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Generally, however, language variation is linked to both users and usage. This is particularly clear in the case of group languages, i. varieties related to different affiliations like profession, age group, or sub-culture as well as to different domains of usage. With the introduction of the Interlanguage Hypothesis Selinker, the language of the learner, interlanguage, was acknowledged as a systematic variety in its own right, distinct from both the first and the second language.

Today learner language is often used in the same or a similar sense. Both terms suggest the existence of a language system that is continuously transforming in the direction of a second language, the target language. The higher proficiency a second language user has, the less adequate it seems to talk about learner language, since language development in principle does not have any end point; first and second language users alike go on acquiring, e.

It is therefore reasonable to reserve the terms interlanguage or learner language for stages where there are clear signs of an active on-going learning process, and use compounds with second language, e. second language Swedish, as a broader notion only implying that the first language encountered in language socialization has been a language other than Swedish.

The term second language is sometimes used in contrast to foreign language, distinguishing languages learned in settings where they have a central function in the life of the learner, e. in immigrant contexts, from those learned in class room settings. That this distinction is by no means uduphotos.netoblematic is illustrated for example by English in Sweden today. Despite the fact that it is taught as a foreign language at school, for most young people it can be regarded as a second language due to its increasing role in many formerly monolingual domains, such as higher education, popular culture and business Hyltenstam ; Phillipson Other attributes commonly ascribed to the language of second language speakers are accented and broken, e.

broken Swedish. The term accent has no generally agreed upon definition cf. Lippi-Greenbut mostly it is applied to discernable first language influences on the second language, in particular on the phonological level. If we apply this terminology to different migration-related ways of speaking Swedish, we may identify at least two main types of varieties in the current context: on the one hand individual second language varieties and on the other more or less stabilized new or emergent group varieties of the majority language.

A well known example of the latter is the modern slang originating in the multilingual neighborhoods. Such a development would imply that certain linguistic features5 are conventionalized in the speech of a wider part of the population as markers of local and social affiliation, and that these markers are transmitted to following generations as components of a stabilizing social-regional dialect.

There is, however, still relatively little systematic knowledge of such a possible development, as well as of the sociolinguistic conditions for it cf.

Fraurud One example is the stigmatized deviation from the V2 rule in word order, e. This feature is also sometimes used by speakers with Swedish as one of their first or early second language s who are capable of navigating between different ways of speaking Swedish Ganuza When this happens, it is not a manifestation of second language acquisition, but rather of a social process in which different linguistic features are conventionalized as markers of identity and group affiliation.

In order to identify which kind of phenomenon a particular instance of this feature may represent, we also need to consider language use, development and context.

Tingsellthis volume. Also second language users - beginners as well as advanced - may be more or less influenced by and receptive to suburban slang. And slang speakers may consciously use salient learner features as a means, among other reasons, for establishing solidarity. Such a view has been and still is common among lay people, but it is also implicit in many linguistic studies.

It is, for example, reflected in the methodology of classical dialectology, which involved a search for authentic speakers assumed to represent the dialect and a description of the language system of these individuals. Needless to say, this approach has not been without its critics. In a comprehensive discussion he exemplifies, among other things, the problems of delimiting varieties and types of varieties and concludes that: [ Hudsonp.

The metaphor is continuously re- inforced by other concepts and ideas associated with language: language as something that can be genuine and authentic, that can be treated and mistreated, and that can be polluted, be threatened, die, etc. Le Pagep. This means that lay people as well as experts - all in their own ways - envisage something that is sufficiently constant and homogeneous to be named. And by being named, spoken about and described, varieties are socially and cognitively reified.

Obviously, the problems of delimiting and systematically describing varieties will vary according to the specific object of study. Fergusonp. Furthermore, our study does not concern any homogeneous speech community, but individuals with diverse linguistic backgrounds and interactive experiences cf. Such speech perception data may, we believe, in a fruitful way supplement speech production data on contemporary language variation. Understood in a wide sense, social constructions of language variation have been studied within a broad cross-disciplinary field including language attitude research, with its roots in social psychology e.

These dialectologists saw a need to supplement traditional dialect de- scriptions by studies of subjective judgments about differences between dialects, among other things in order to tackle the problem of delimitation of varieties. Later, in the USA, Dennis Preston and his colleagues developed a similar methodology within the research paradigm that has come to be established as perceptual dialectology.

Perceptual dialectology can be seen as a part of the larger paradigm called folk linguistics, which focuses on all cts of the linguistics of lay people, i. Bucholtzp. A folk linguistic study The folk linguistic study presented here is a perception experiment exploring sociolinguistic awareness and language attitudes among young people in multi- lingual Stockholm.

It is an exploratory pilot study with the aim to develop methodology and generate hypotheses in the preparation of a larger study cf. awareness of linguistic differences and social meanings associated with these. Edwards The research questions we formulated prior to the pilot study concern how groups of language users differ with regard to: 1 which types of varieties they identify and how they label and describe these varieties, 2 the degree of variation that their constructions of these varieties may contain, 3 which linguistic features they perceive to be characteristic of these varieties, and 4 which attitudes they display towards these ways of speaking.

Design In the listener experiment, seven speech samples of young Stockholmian speech of about 30 seconds each were played back to listeners with different back- grounds. The listeners were asked to fill out a questionnaire containing questions about how they perceived the speech samples and the speakers.

The questionnaire consisted of two parts. In the first part, attitudes towards different ways of speaking were assessed by means of a traditional verbal guise technique involving semantic differential scales of the kind frequently used in language attitude studies.

In the second part of the questionnaire the listeners were asked to label and describe speech samples and speakers. This part focused on socio- linguistic awareness, but also these responses of course reflect attitudes towards different groups of speakers and ways of speaking. The speech samples were selected from two sources containing audio recordings of senior high school students: the database compiled in the SUF project presented in this volume see fn.

accent 8 Space does not here allow for a discussion on the problems with the concept of standard lang- uage, in particular in relation to spoken language but see, e. They differ from each other with regard to social background. These speech samples do not contain any of the non-standard linguistic features mentioned above.

Both Didi and Hasan are born outside Sweden and they live in multiethnic neighborhoods. Bushra, Ashur and Eleni are born in Sweden. They are all bilingual and have grown up in multilingual suburban Stockholm. In the speech samples, they use linguistic features that are associated with suburban slang - albeit to different degrees for more details, see below.

In the experiment, the listeners first listened to short excerpts from each of the speech samples in order to become familiar with the range of voices. Then the samples were played back one at a time, and the listeners were asked to indicate their evaluations of each speaker on semantic differential scales, or, for short, adjective scales. In this study, eight unipolar five-graded scales were used.

Tick off one box on each of these scales. Where in Stockholm would you guess that the speaker lives? about eighteen years ; about fifteen years; about ten years; about five years; less than one year] c. Scanian or bureaucratic Swedish are examples of such labels, but of course, these are not appropriate in this context e.

Comments, if any. In order to get as broad a picture as possible of how language users may label and describe neighborhoods, speakers and different way of speaking, we opted for open questions rather than multiple choice questions with the exception of question b. The listener experiment, or various parts and versions of it, was carried out with groups of listeners that we encountered in our work as researchers and teachers. The listeners were of different ages and differed with regard to ethnic and social background as well as linguistic experiences.

They included students from a number of junior and senior high schools in Stockholm, university students, nursery and compulsory school teachers from different parts of Stockholm, and a group of retired university employees. For all listener groups, background data were gathered by means of a short questionnaire. Twelve of the students who participated in the experiment reported that they have grown up with and use at least two different languages at home; the other four have a monolingual family background but are familiar with multilingualism since many of their peers are multilingual.

Median age: All of them have a homogeneous monolingual background. Most of these listeners were somewhat older than the listeners in group A. Results The response rate was generally high. Some differences in this regard are, however, found; response frequency may vary with regard to task, speaker and listener group. All missing responses to these questions come from listener group B.

The possibility to add comments was utilized 46 times. The majority of these comments were serious in tone, e. We start by giving an account of some of the diverging responses to the tasks to label, characterize and comment on the different speech samples questions d, e and fwith a special focus on speaker Ashur.

Then we show how the adjective scales reflect differences between the two listener groups with regard to the evaluation of another of the speakers, Eleni. Variety labeling The task to label the speech samples question d elicited a diversity of variety labels and descriptions.

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Let us first compare the reactions to the speech sample that elicited the most diverging reactions among the listeners, viz. that of one of the young people born in Sweden with multilingual background, Ashur.

This speech sample was recorded in a relatively formal situation a presentation in front of the class. It contains neither slang words nor grammatical deviations and the pronunciation cannot, according to a panel of linguists from Stockholm University, be traced to any particular first language.

Responses from group A Responses from group B: A Standard Swedish [Sw. immigrant youth Swedish B suburban prosody, youth variety marking group membership B a staccato-like rhythm [Sw. A possible explanation might be that this sample for some listeners simply was hard to classify since it only contains non-standard features on one level prosody.

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We may speculate that the difference between the two listener groups as regards the number of non-responses can be related to the observation that people generally seem to be more ready to categorize and label others and their ways of speaking even on the basis of one single salient feature.

But for exploring such a hypothesis further investigation, involving additional, qualitative as well as quantitative, data will be needed e. subsequent interviews with participants in the listener experiment.

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As illustrated above, the open questions elicit widely diverging and multi- faceted responses. The labels, characterizations and comments constitute a rich source of information that would have escaped us if we had opted for multiple choice questions throughout the experiment.

At the same time, this approach complicates a more global analysis of the possible responses 40 listeners x 7 speakers x 3 questions. ETHNIC here refers to phenomena associated with multilingualism, whereas OTHER is a broad category for the remaining components commonly associated with lower linguistic pre- stige. Each response may contain one or more components from one and the same or different Level 2 categories, e. Categorization of the responses to the open questions labeling, characterization and comments.

In the majority of cases, the categorization of these components was relatively uduphotos.netoblematic. An interesting exception is the component Stockholm, which seems to represent different concepts for different listeners hence its in-between position in figure 1. Again, further qualitative data and elaboration of the analytical tools are called for. This is illustrated in figure 2.

Every listener is represented by the symbol. This can probably be explained by the fact that the listeners in group B are somewhat older than the stimuli speakers, while the listeners in group A are of more or less the same age.

Generally, some listeners especially in group B tend to use the label more frequently and to apply it more broadly, i. Table 2. B19 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 5 B23 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 4 B20 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 4 B16 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 4 B10 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 A33 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 A27 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 A16 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 A32 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 B01 rinkeby- rinkeby- rinkeby- 3 A10 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 A09 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 B08 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 B04 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 A05 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 B22 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 B14 rinkeby- rinkeby- 2 A07 rinkeby- 1 A02 rinkeby- 1 B06 rinkeby- 1 A15 rinkeby- 1 B24 rinkeby- 1 B03 rinkeby- 1 B07 rinkeby- 1 B12 rinkeby- 1 Tot.

The majority of the listeners in the - predominantly multilingual - group A use the label in a more restrictive way.

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Language attitudes as reflected in the adjective scales Differences between the two listener groups with regard to the evaluation of speakers and ways of speaking are also reflected in the data from the semantic differential scales. We will illustrate this finding using the evaluations of one of the speakers. This sample is taken from a peer group discussion involving five girls. The girls are talking about language issues and the conversation is very lively.

The sample does not contain any slang words, nor any non-standard grammar or according to a panel of expert listeners L1-induced phonological features. Svensson Some listeners characterize the speech sample as follows: A lagger till en massa onodiga ord HELA TIDEN, svamlar och lagger in ljud t. Lixom, ohh Blandar en och ett osv. Mixes n- and t-gender etc. In this process, the mere manifestation of even a single linguistic feature may trigger in the listener a stereotype of a group of speakers which, in turn, may trigger assumptions about the whole language system of the speaker - assumptions that are, in fact, often disproved by systematic analysis.

In order to interpret the data from the adjective scales, we carried out a factor analysis which helped us identify the underlying dimensions accounting for the patterns of correlation.

This analysis reduced the eight adjective scales to three factors, which we here after the property with the strongest loading, cf. table 3 label: competent, conflating the properties competent, well organized, nice, and honest; tough, conflating tough, humorous, self con- fident, and - negatively loaded - well organized; and feminine, conflating feminine, nice, humorous, and - negatively loaded - self confident.

Table 3. Factor analysis of the adjective scale data for all speakers and all listeners. Extraction method: Principal Com- ponent Analysis.

Rotation method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization. As shown in figure 3, the factor competent is strongly negatively represented in the responses from listener group A, which means that these listeners assign very low values on scales measuring the properties competent, well organized, nice and honest. On the other hand, group B listeners ascribe high values to Eleni for the factor tough, a factor much stronger represented than the factor competent.

COMPETENT 1,0 TOUGH FEMININE 0,5 0,0 Mean -0,5 -1,0 -1,5 -2,0 Group A Group B Figure 3.

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Speaker Eleni: mean values for the factors COMPETENT, TOUGH and FEMININE. Summary The results of the exploratory listener experiment presented in this chapter illustrate how language users with different backgrounds may divide and relate to the linguistic space of Stockholm in different ways.

We note, for example, that the extension of labels such as Rinkeby Swedish may vary considerably from individual to individual as may the attitudes and characteristics associated with different ways of speaking Swedish.

This is of course partly a natural reflection of the general tendency for people to perceive phenomena at a distance from themselves in terms of gross categories and stereotypes, while they differentiate to a higher degree when it comes to their immediate environment.

The results of this pilot study must for several reasons be interpreted with caution. We used a convenience sample, and the number of participants is limited. The speech samples are elicited from different types of more or less spontaneous discourse and therefore differ considerably as regards topic and situational context, something which complicates the interpretation of the listener reactions.

Furthermore the pilot study did not include qualitative data in the form of interviews or group discussions, which we deem to be a necessary prerequisite for a deeper and more valid interpretation of the questionnaire data.

Despite these limitations, we hope that we have been able to illustrate the potential of this kind of folk linguistic listener studies. This and several following pilot studies were mainly aimed at method development and hypothesis generation.

On the basis of an evaluation of these studies, together with highly valued input from colleagues in the field, we now have developed a modified research design for a larger perception study. This design has been employed in the on-going main study of listener perceptions involving students from nine senior high schools in Stockholm, the initial results of which are presented in Bijvoet and Fraurud To us their work has been an important source of inspiration, since it - despite the considerable differences between the societies we are studying - so clearly illustrates the way multilingual contexts challenge traditional sociolinguistic notions and approaches.

Another important source of inspiration has been the work carried out within the research paradigms of perceptual dialectology and folk linguistics, which also, we believe, have more to offer sociolinguistics than has sometimes been acknowledged. Focusing on mutual perceptions among people with widely differing back- grounds, this type of study may also shed light on possible linguistic as well as social consequences of minority-majority encounters as well as on social pro- cesses such as discrimination, marginalization and segregation.

To young people in particular this is relevant for both their identity negotiations and their access to higher education and the job market. Language proficiency does not only include productive competence, but also the capability of making adequate interpretations and evaluations of variation in the speech of others.

For employers and other social gatekeepers an awareness of language variation is necessary for making adequate assessments of the competence of job applicants, for example. We believe that many agents in society would have much to gain from a raised sociolinguistic awareness, and that this implies that awareness raising should receive more attention within the educational sector, including also the training for various professions in the public and private sector cf.

Boyd On the one hand, there is an increasing awareness among linguists of the scientific inadequacy of essentializing descriptions. On the other, this awareness sometimes conflicts with an ideological need to make use of essentializing categorizations, especially in interactions with society outside academia.

Sociolinguists drew attention to socially determined language variation and in particular to non-standard varieties, acknowledging that also these varieties represent language systems in their own right and attempting to describe the variation systematically. Although focusing on variation, many of these descriptions underrated language diversity and individual variation and tended to treat speech communities and varieties as more or less clearly delimited and homogeneous cf.

Dorian During the last decades homogenizing and essentializing approaches have been challenged by an increasing number of scholars. One of these is Mary Bucholtz, who describes some of the theoretical, methodological and political problems with essentialism as follows: The problems associated with essentialist reasoning have been enumerated at length in nearly every corner of the academy; these range from the theoretical essentialism reduces the diversity of humanity to a small set of attributes and behaviors recognized by the theory to the methodological no characteristic of group membership that meets the essentialist standard has been definitively identified to the political essentialism disempowers many people by excluding them a priori from groups in which they might on other grounds count as members.

But this context also evokes another facet of essentialism. Despite her criticism, Bucholtz points out that essentialism in specific contexts also may function as an important intellectual and social tool.

She discusses the way both researchers and the groups they study may choose to use what can be called strategic essentialism: Yet despite these serious problems, essentialism is also an important intellectual and social tool. For researchers, essentialist assumptions may facilitate analysis by enabling them to identify a previously undescribed group and offer a preliminary description; for group members, essentialism promotes a shared identity, often in opposition to other, equally essentialized, social groups.

For both, essentialism is, among other things, a tool for redressing power imbalances, as when the group under study is seen by the dominant groups as illegitimate or trivial, or when a stigmatized group forms an oppositional identity to counter such negative ideologies. On the other hand, we may in certain perhaps particularly in non-academic contexts feel the need to use strategic essentialism in order to counter popular negative stereotypes of speakers and ways of speaking hopefully not replacing them by new stereotypes, cf.

Svalberg In order to be able to contest the essentialization and stigmatization of young speakers and their ways of speaking, we need more detailed and thorough know- ledge about the diversity of linguistic practices developing today.

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A deeper under- standing can, we believe, only be the result of a combination of and exchange between a range of different research approaches and paradigms. This chapter has illustrated a folk linguistic approach to language variation. Several similar projects have been carried out and new ones have started in other Scandinavian countries see, e. This is something that also appears to be requested by some of the young agents in the so called blatte debate, mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, as illustrated by the following quote from the editor of the monthly magazine Gringo.

Det intressanta med sprakdebatten ar att vi for forsta gangen fatt vara med och definiera var egen kultur. Det var knappast nagra miljonbor fran sag Alby som en dag kom pa att de pratar Rinkebysvenska.

Det var snarare ett begrepp som sattes av forsta-sig-paare och sprakvetare utan nagon forankring i miljoduphotos.netogrammen. Sen anvandes det sa flitigt i media att ocksa Albyborna anammade det Zanyar Adami, Gringo It was hardly some suburban16 inhabitants from, say, Alby who one day found out that they speak Rinkeby Swedish. Rather it was a concept coined by those-who-claim-to-know and linguists without any roots in the suburbs.

Style and Social Identities. Alternative Approaches to Linguistic Heterogeneity. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Biber, Douglas An Analytical Framework for Register Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. Bijvoet, Ellen Selected Papers from the 8th Nordic Conference on Bilingualism, November, Stockholm - Rinkeby pp.

Rinkeby Swedish in the mind of the beholder.

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Studying listener perceptions of language variation in multilingual Stockholm. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Boden, Petra In Ekberg, Lena ed. Nordlund Lund: Nordiska sprak, sprak- och litteraturcentrum, Lunds universitet. Kotsinas is of less importance. Clearly, however, linguists and the me- dia have played a crucial role in the reification process. Boyd, Sally Utlandska larare i Sverige - attityder till brytning [Teachers with foreign background in Sweden - attitudes to broken Swedish].

Lund: Studentlitteratur. Challenging the homogeneity assumption in language variation analysis. Findings from a study of multilingual urban spaces. An International Handbook of Language Variation. Volume 1: Theories and Methods pp. Bucholtz, Mary Sociolinguistic nostalgia and the authentication of identity. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7, 3, - The relations between researcher and researched: ethics, advocacy and empowerment.

Coupland, Nikolas Language Variation and Identity.

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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dorian, Nancy Varieties of variation in a very small place: Social homo- geneity, prestige norms and linguistic variation. In Language 70, - Eckert, Penelope Style and social meaning. Rickford edsStyle and Sociolinguistic Variation pp. Rickford eds Style and Sociolinguistic Variation.

Edwards, John Language attitudes and their implications among English speakers. In Ryan, Ellen B. London: Edward Arnold. Ekberg, Lena Regeltillampning kontra lexikonkunskap i svenskan hos invandrarbarn i Malmo [Rule application versus lexical knowledge in the Swedish of immigrant children in Malmo].

In Moller, Janus et al. edsNordiske sprog som andetsprog. Kobenhavnerstudier i tosprogethed Danmarks L?rerhojskole, Institut for humanistiske fag. Ferguson, Charles Dialect, register, and genre: Working assumptions about conventionalization. Nagra sociolingvistiska forutsattningar for spraklig variation och mangfald i Rinkeby [Some sociolinguistic conditions for language variation and diversity in Rinkeby]. In Melander, Bjorn m. edsSvenskans beskrivning 26 pp.

Multietniska ungdomssprak och andra varieteter av svenska i flersprakiga miljoer [Multiethnic youth language and other varieties of Swedish in multilingual settings]. The native-non-native speaker distinction and the diversity of linguistic profiles of young people in multi- lingual urban contexts in Sweden.

The boundaries of languages and disciplines: How ideologies construct difference. Social Research 62, - Ganuza, Natalia Syntactic variation in the Swedish of adolescents in multilingual urban settings. Subject-verb order in declaratives, questions and subordinate clauses.

PhD thesis. Stockholm: Centrum for tvasprakighets- forskning, Stockholms universitet. Ganuza, Natalia this volume. Syntactic variation in the Swedish of adolescents in multilingual urban settings - a thesis summary. Investigating Language Attitudes: Social Meanings of Dialect, Ethnicity and Performance.

Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Italian is beautiful, German is ugly. London: Penguin. Halliday, Michael A. Language as Social Semiotic. The Social Inter- pretation of Language and Meaning.

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The Linguistic Sciences and Language Teaching. London: Longman. Hudson, Richard A. Hyltenstam, Kenneth Non-native features of near-native speakers: On the Ultimate Attainment of Childhood L2 Learners.

In Harris, Richard J. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Svenskan i minoritetsspraksperspektiv [Swedish in a minority language perspective]. In Hyltenstam, Kenneth ed. Maturational constraints in SLA. In Doughty, Catherine J. Long edsHandbook of Second Language Acquisition pp. Oxford: Blackwell. Irvine, Judith T. Rickford eds Style and Sociolinguistic Variation pp. Jrs, Jurgen Problematizing ethnolects: Naming linguistic practices in an Antwerp secondary school.

Jonsson, Rickard Blatte betyder kompis. Om maskulinitet och sprak i en hogstadieskola [Blatte means mate. On masculinity and language in a junior high school]. Stockholm: Ordfront. Kotsinas, Ulla-Britt Rinkebysvenska - en dialekt? Petersson edsSvenskans beskrivning 16 pp. Linkoping: Universitetet i Linkoping.

Ungdomssprak [Youth language]. Pidginization, creolization and creoloids in Stockholm, Sweden. Ett urval av uppsatser av Ulla-Britt Kotsinas pp.

Inget nytt med nysvenska [Nothing new with new Swedish]. Svenska Dagbladet 19 juni Kristiansen, Tore Social meaning and norm-ideals for speech in a Danish community. Social and Ideological Perspectives pp. Kulbrandstad, Lars Anders In Sandoy, Helge et al. edsDen fleirspraklege utfordringa pp. Oslo: Novus forlag. Metasprak og spraklig oppmerksomhet i mote med andresprakspreget norsk. Nordisk tidskrift for andrespraksforskning, Nordand 3, 2, Labov, William The isolation of contextual styles.

In Sociolinguistic Patterns pp.

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Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Evaluational reactions to spoken language. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 60, Le Page, Robert Processes of pidginization and creolization.

In Valdman, Albert ed. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press. Le Page, Robert B. Acts of Identity. Creole- based Approaches to Language and Ethnicity.

The idealised native speaker, reified ethnicities, and classroom realities. TESOL Quarterly 31, 3, - Lippi-Green, Rosina English with an Accent. Language, Ideology, and Discrimination in the United States. London, New York: Routledge. Preston Preston edsHandbook of Perceptual Dialectology, Volume 2 pp.

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Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins. Normann Jorgensen Poly-lingual languag- ing in peer group interaction. Nordisk tidskrift for andrespraksforskning, Nordand 3, 2, Niedzielski, Nancy A.

Folk Linguistics. Phillipson, Robert Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Prentice, Julia Pa rak sak: om ordforbindelser och konventionaliserade uttryck bland unga sprakbrukare i flersprakiga miljoer.

Goteborgsstudier i nordisk sprakvetenskap Goteborg: Institutionen for svenska spraket, Goteborgs universitet. Preston, Dennis R. The modes of folk linguistic awareness.

Language Awareness 5, 1, Handbook of Perceptual Dialectology, Volume 1. Perceptual dialectology: Aims, methods, findings. Quist, Pia On language use among young people in linguistically and culturally heterogeneous environments].

Danske talesprog 1, - Foundations of Language Perceptions and the Role of External Factors: A Norwegian Case. Language Awareness,18, 2, Ryan, Ellen B. Sebastian An integrative perspective for the study of attitudes toward language variation. Selinker, Larry International Review of Applied Linguistics 10, - Rediscovering interlanguage.

Stroud, Christopher Literacy in a second language: A study of text construction i near-native speakers of Swedish. Copenhagen Studies in Bilingualism, Volume 4.

Svalberg, Agneta M. Language awareness and language learning State-of-the-art article. Language Teaching 40, - Svensson, Gudrun Diskurspartiklar hos ungdomar i mangsprakiga miljoer i Malmo [Discourse particles in youth talk in multilingual settings in Malmo]. Lundastudier i nordisk sprakvetenskap A Lund: Centre for Languages and Literature, Lund University. Tingsell, Sofia Reflexivt och personligt pronomen.

Goteborgsstudier i nordisk sprak- vetenskap 8. Tingsell, Sofia this volume. Tracking language change. Reflexivity in multi- lingual urban settings in Sweden. Sociolinguistics and linguistic value judgments: correctness, adequacy, and aestetics. Goyvaerts edsFunctional Studies in Language and Literature pp.

Ghent: Story-Scientia. USK Utrednings- och statistikkontoret, Stockholm. htm First, a set of listening tests has been carried out with the purpose of having adolescents of the same age as the recorded speakers identify suitable speech data for the description.

The results of the listening tests further confirm previous claims that foreign-sounding pronunciation is used even by adolescents without immigrant background. Speech samples identified as so-called Rosengard Swedish, Gardstenish and Rinkeby Swedish are analyzed and compared with one another as well as with other regional varieties. The results offer some initial insights into what is characteristic of these varieties as compared to other varieties in the same region, and how speech samples from the three urban areas differ from each other.

Possible explanations for phonetic similarities found among speakers in the three areas are also discussed. The growing interest in Sweden today for genuine dialects and regional standard varieties does not include a general acceptance of the different regional youth varieties and their particular pronunciation.

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With the introduction of compulsory elementary school ina spoken counterpart to the already standardized written Swedish spread across the country. This spoken Standard Swedish Sw. In recent years however, regionally colored varieties of Swedish have become increasingly used and accepted in the media. Dialects in television commercials are no longer used solely to achieve a special e. comic effect. Nowadays, the dentist recommending a new brand of toothpaste may very well speak Scanian whereas previously Scanian seemed to be reserved for commercials for products directly relating to farming i.

products typically produced in Scania. Speakers with Swedish as a second language are also to be found in present day commercials, and not only when some ct of their non-Swedish background should be called to mind.

Another language variety heard in the media is used primarily by adolescents and people in their early twenties or younger, such as musicians and sportsmen. They use a variety or varieties of a Swedish hereafter called Swedish on Multilingual Ground SMG or Swedish multiethnolect cf. Quist In addition to being regionally colored, their Swedish has an obvious but indirect relation to Swedish as a second language. Foreign linguistic material is borrowed and incorporated into their spoken or sung Swedish, e.

foreign words and speech sounds. Unlike second language learners of Swedish, the Swedish of these speakers is not necessarily influenced by their first language but rather by a number of languages. SMG has also found its way into present day Swedish commercials, youth television programs and the like. Nevertheless, SMG is a source of irritation even to many linguistically interested, and its mere existence as a language variety has been questioned ErikssonWitt-Brattstrom in Rosengard, a district in Malmo, in Gardsten, a district in Gothenburg and in Rinkeby, a district in Stockholm.

Ulla-Britt Kotsinas was the first to analyze and describe the variety. Many of its speakers are born in Sweden or have arrived in Sweden at an early age, and they have acquired Swedish simultaneously with their first language at least since kindergarten. As reported by several researchers see e.

BijvoetKotsinasthis non-native way of speaking Swedish is not heard only among speakers with an immigrant background. It has furthermore been reported that speakers of this foreign-sounding Swedish master a standard variety of Swedish as well see e. Bijvoet ; Boden ; Kotsinas The pronunciation of the identified speakers is then investigated and described.

Methods 2.

The listeners came from the same seven upper secondary schools in Malmo, Gothenburg and Stockholm as the speakers in the speech samples. The listeners were only asked to listen to recordings that had been made in their hometown. Care was taken to minimize the risk that the listeners knew the speakers in the speech samples. In Malmo, the listeners were furthermore only asked to judge speakers attending other Malmo schools than their own.

By the time the listening tests were carried out in Gothenburg and Stockholm, the speakers in the speech samples no longer attended upper secondary school. The listeners were also asked a few questions about who they believed typically speaks SMG. The Malmo listeners were asked to listen to a subset of 30 speech samples, and the 81 Gothenburg listeners and 57 Stockholm listeners listened to 20 speech samples, respectively. The main purpose of the listening tests was to identify speakers upon whose speech acoustic-phonetic studies could be made.

They were undertaken with the help of project members Sofia Hallin, Natalia Ganuza Stockholm UniversityJulia Prentice formerly Gro?e, University of Gothenburg and Gudrun Svensson Lund University. Both auditory and acoustical analyses were undertaken. Results and discussion 3. Some speech samples were obvious examples of SMG, some were obvious examples of something other than SMG, and some were not easily categorized.

Some speakers use a broader and thus more easily detectable language variety than others. Some sort of consensus apparently exists among adolescents about how SMG typically sounds. Four of the identified 24 speakers of SMG were monolingual: two female and two male speakers. They were born in Sweden of Swedish-born parents and had Swedish as their only first language. The four individuals were classified as speakers of SMG even by listeners who claimed that only people with an immigrant background could speak SMG.

It would thus appear that SMG can be learned and convincingly spoken in much the same way as any other variety of Swedish. Regional features in SMG It is a well known fact that second language learners of Swedish find it difficult to perceive and produce the Swedish word accent distinction, i. Given the close relation between foreign accents and SMG, one possible common feature of the SMG varieties may be a lack of word accent opposition.

At the same time, our data reveal obvious regional influences in the production of word accent opposition.

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Acute and grave word accents are melodically distinct in Swedish. The perceptual impression of speech melody correlates closely with acoustically measurable changes in fundamental frequency hereafter abbreviated F0. The difference between acute accent or accent I and grave accent accent II is visually observable in F0 contours as a difference in F0 peak timing. The F0 peak of accent I words has an earlier alignment with the stressed syllable than the F0 peak of accent II words in all Swedish dialects except Finland Swedish which lacks a word accent opposition.

In the Malmo dialect, the F0 peak is found at the beginning of the stressed syllable in accent I words and at the end of the stressed syllable in accent II words. The same pattern is predominant in speech samples categorized as Rosengard Swedish in the listening tests, see e. the F0 contour in Figure 1. F0 in the accent I words reaches an early peak and then falls in the stressed syllable, F0 in the accent II word rises in the stressed syllable and falls thereafter.

In Stockholm Swedish, accent I words have if any an accent peak in the pretonic syllable, and accent II words have a peak at the beginning of the stressed syllable.

In focal position, accent I words are produced with an F0 peak at the end of the stressed syllable, and in accent II words the first F0 peak is followed by a second. The Stockholm SMG data revealed that a Stockholm word accent distinction is used, see e. the F0 contour in Figure 2. In the non- focused accent I word no F0 movement can be observed as expecte and in the focused accent II word F0 falls slightly in the stressed syllable and a second peak can be observed in the secondary stressed syllable.

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Perceptually prominent accent II words are, for example, not always assigned two F0 peaks the focal rise is missing. On the other hand, Heldner and Strangert have shown that focus can be perceived in the absence of an F0 rise, and it would therefore be of no surprise if production data from other recorded Stockholm speakers contained non-rising focal accents, too.

The word accents in Stockholm SMG merit further investigation. In Gothenburg Swedish, the F0 peak is found at the beginning of the stressed syllable in accent I words and at the end of the stressed vowel in accent II words. The Gothenburg SMG data also revealed a difference in timing of F0 peaks depending on word accent type, see e. the F0 contour in Figure 3. In the accent I word, the F0 peak occurs at the beginning of the stressed syllable. In the accent II words, the F0 peaks occur later in the stressed syllable.

The timing is, in other words, consistent with the West Swedish pattern described above. However, the high tone at the end of prosodic phrases is often missing in the Gothenburg SMG data. Several of the speech samples classified as SMG do not contain a single instance of the characteristic high rising ends of prosodic phrases in West Swedish.

the realization of the word accent opposition. Foreign-sounding features in SMG Rosengard Swedish, Gardstenish and Rinkeby Swedish are perceived as variations on a theme. However, little is known about whether the perceived similarity simply lies in a foreign-sounding pronunciation or whether actual phonetic similarities exist. References, for example, to a special choppy or staccato-like speech rhythm are common in descriptions of multiethnolects throughout Scandinavia JacobsenKotsinasQuistSvendsen and Royneland The acoustic correlate or correlates of such a speech rhythm are, nevertheless, largely left undescribed, and thus no comparisons can be made.

Another perceived similarity between Swedish multiethnolects, sometimes put forward to me at seminars and conferences, is that they are perceptually less dialectal than other local varieties from the same region. This similarity, however, takes on different forms in the three cities: in Rosengard Swedish, uvular r-sounds and diphthongized vowels are less frequent than in the genuine Malmo dialect, in Gardstenish, trilled r-sounds and the phrase- final F0 rises are less frequent than in West Swedish, and so forth.

Nevertheless, actual phonetic similarities are also to be found. An example of a segmental similarity is the use of affricates in borrowings, i.

At the supra- segmental level, phrase-final lengthening or phrase-final stress additions and intonational patterns involving an expanded pitch register have been found in our data from all three cities.

An example of the substantial phrase-final lengthening in SMG is seen in Figure 4. As in this particular example, the lengthening sometimes co-occurs with an F0 rise. Further details on the suprasegmentals of SMG and examples are presented in Boden The hyperarticulated pronunciation reported by Kotsinas in Rinkeby Swedish is also present in Rosengard Swedish and Gardstenish.

Swedish is a stress-timed language with a non-fixed lexical stress, i. the placement of stress is distinctive, and the acoustical and perceptual difference between stressed and unstressed syllables is large. Stressed syllables are produced with longer durations and a more clearly articulated pronunciation than unstressed syllables, which in turn are subject to more assimilations and reductions.

In our SMG data, it is evident that speech sounds in many - although certainly not all - unstressed syllables are being hyperarticulated. Swedish speech sounds that are particularly prone to reduction in unstressed positions, e. r-sounds, are among the most easily detectable.

Both professional impersonators such as Robin Paulssonand amateurs who imitate SMG on the spur of the moment, can be heard picking up and often exaggerating this particular feature of SMG. Not all foreign-sounding features in SMG are common to the regional varieties of SMG. In the present paper, we have addressed the question of whether perceived similarities between SMG varieties simply lie in non-native pronunciation, or are, indeed, actual phonetic similarities.

We found that each SMG variety is a combination of features from the region and features foreign to the Swedish language, and that some of these foreign features are indeed found in all three cities investigated. But why are there similarities? The relation to learner language and foreign accent is of course obvious in Malmo, Gothenburg and Stockholm, but a foreign accent can sound in a multitude of different ways.

One possible explanation is, of course, that the same language or language family influences all SMG varieties. On the other hand, SMG does not sound like one particular foreign accent. the difficulties encountered when learning Swedish. Some pronunciation features are particularly difficult to learn, e. certain Swedish phonemes, and they are more likely to become subject to sound substitutions than others Johanssonand so on.

The explanations are to a certain extent interrelated and all three probably have some explanatory power, although none completely accounts for why the varieties sound the way they do. A word accent opposition is, nevertheless, maintained in SMG. As we have shown in the present paper, the word accent opposition is produced at each recording location in much the same way as in the rest of the region in question.

This model predicts that similar linguistic features spread from one city to another, without these changes affecting more rural areas between the cities.

The non-native sound of SMG is perhaps its most salient feature and the characteristic that unifies the different regional SMG varieties. The foreign pronunciation features in SMG are, nevertheless, subtle and some are best described as elusive in nature e.

the perceptually distinct speech rhythm. As a result, the foreign features distinguish the SMG varieties from other local varieties without causing them to lose a fairly strong regional coloring. References Bijvoet, E. Fraurud and K. Hylten- stam eds Multilingualism in Global and Local Perspectives. Selected Papers from the 8th Nordic Conference on Bilingualism, November, Stock- holm-Rinkeby pp.

Stockholm: Centre for Research on Bi- lingualism, Stockholm University, and Rinkeby Institute of Multilingual Research. Boden, P. Ekberg ed. Smaskrifter fran Nordiska sprak vid Lunds universitet. Lund: Centre for languages and literature, Lund University. Pronunciation in Swedish multiethnolect.

Ailin Svendsen edsMultiethnic Urban Scandinavia. New Linguistic Practices pp.

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